That 9/11 in 2001, when some of the 44
passengers aboard the Al Qaeda-hijacked United Airlines Flight 93 came to know
about the carnage of the World Trade Center through their cell-phones,
realizing that their lives would soon end in the debris of some notable
building, maybe the White House itself, they had conveyed to the callers their
intent to unnerve the hijackers to avert further damage to their nation, only
to perish in the process shortly thereafter.
But three years earlier, when the Indian
Airlines Flight 814 was hijacked by Islamic militants to Kandahar in 12/1999,
the families of its 178 passengers managed to build the public opinion for
their trade off with terrorists jailed in Indian prisons, which eventually pushed
the government in that direction. Whatever might have been the on-board mood of
the passengers-in-captivity, the symphony of joy played out at their family
reunions carried no jarring note of it having come at the cost of their nation’s
well-being!
This piece though is not about the America’s
exemplary sense of nationalism, but is all about the Indian non-nationalism.
India’s left-oriented historians and the Nehru-mould
intellectuals would rather have it that never was India a nation before the
British colonized it into one, albeit before its partition. Nothing is farther
from the truth for from Kashmir to Kanya Kumari and from Kandahar to Comilla,
it had been the Hindu tradition to begin a prayer or ritual with the ‘jambu
dweepe, bharata varshe bharata khande’ sankalpa
that further contains the applicable sub-geographical location, the
on-going yuga, the current year etc.
Wonder how this vital fact of Aryavarta is lost on all those who scoff at the
Hindu nationalism as the said sankalpa reverberates
in every nook and corner of our India that is Bharat every day, even these
days.
The idea of India, devoid of a nationalist
urge, even after it became a free nation, after two millennia of subjugation,
was ironically shaped by the very leadership that was instrumental in helping
it gain freedom! Given this abnormality, the question that naturally arises is
why and how so, but before answering the same, it is relevant to observe the
fascinating proposition of Ms. Maryam Jameelah that “If
the Mughal monarchs had assumed their responsibilities as Muslim rulers and
organized intensive tabliq or missionary work, the majority of Indians
would have embraced Islam and hence the necessity for partition and all the
disasters that followed in its wake, never would have arisen.” (Islam and Orientalism, Adam Publishers, New Delhi). Indeed, it is
ironical that Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s homeland for the Indian Musalmans,
was later vivisected by the Bengali Muslims to cater to their cultural
separateness though within the Islamic fold.
When the entire case for India’s partition
was built by the Muslims, solely upon the incompatibility of their Islamic
faith with the Hindu beliefs, logically speaking, post-partition, there was no
case for any Muslim to remain in the parent country. Yet, as if to showcase
Hindu pluralistic ethos or to win the world acclaim, and or both, our leaders of
that era were not averse to letting the wiling Musalmans to stay put in India. Well,
it can be argued that all Muslims were not enamored of a separate homeland, but
yet, after the partition of the land on religious fault-lines, they had lost
the rights of tenancy, derived from the virtue of ancestry, legally as well as
morally that is.
Whatever, they were allowed to stay
back in numbers to form a substantial Muslim minority amidst India’s Hindu
majority, and sadly for both, instead of ironing the incompatibilities of their
alien faith with the Hindu beliefs, the raison d’être of the partition, for the
harmonization of the country’s communal amity, Nehru strived to nurture the
Islamic sense of separateness among India’s formidable minority. One often
wonders that but for Dr. BR Ambedkar, whether Gandhi, Nehru et al, well-educated
all, had an idea of what Islam is all about – its supremacist and separatist
ethos, its animosity to the people of other faiths, its insatiable urge to make
it a Muslim world by means of procreation, conversion and coercion, its concept
of Muslim Brotherhood that’s at odds with nationalistic impulses, and such fissiparous
doctrines. Moreover, their refusal to amalgamate with the non-Islamic societies
they happen to live is akin to their being merely tenets on lease devoid of any
stake in or an emotional attachment with it. Given their Islamic naivety on
constant exhibition, needless to say, the Hindu intellectuals of our generation
fare no better in a critical appraisal of the world’s fastest growing religion
with an avowed intent to imperil every other faith (interested may access my
free ebook, ‘Puppets of Faith: Theory of Communal Strife’, through Google).
Since nationalism is anathema to Islam,
so as to spare the Muslims from such an irreligious suffering, it was only
proper for the Indian State to dent the Hindu nationalistic ethos, exemplified
by their ‘jambu dweepe, bharata varshe bharata khande’ sankalpa, so might have
thought Nehru, the alter ego of Gandhi, who was silly enough to aver that
Hindus should smilingly face death if Muslims were to kill them, and acted
besides. But if he had a long-term vision, he would have clearly envisaged the
possibility of Hindu-Muslim amity brought about by shared national ethos for
Hindu nationalism was non-intrusive, and at that point of time the Muslims
would have been more amenable to that idea than ever before or ever after. While
his mentor dented the resurgent national impulses being cultivated by Subhas
Bose in the bud, Nehru made India miss the nationalist bus, probably forever.
What’s worse, when his daughter, Indira, saw the electoral benefits accruing to
her dynasty from the sectarian strategy, she fine-tuned it to form Muslim Vote-Banks
all across the country, which, in time, became the edifices of the secular ‘idea
of India’.
The cumulative effect of this peculiar
aversion to nationalism (name another nation on earth, whose citizens are
devoid of nationalist impulses) in time became the cause of India’s undoing in
every conceivable way. While the nationalistic void was insensibly filled by
caste and communal bondage to India’s democratic detriment, the lack of
nationalist ethos fomented the nation-destructing art of self-aggrandizement,
leaving the moral fabric of our society in tatters. The widespread corruption
that plagues our country exemplifies the near total absence of nationalistic
feeling in our society for as graft hurts a country, it’s an anti-national
activity. Nothing illustrates the baneful affects of India’s non-nationalistic character
than the congenital lethargy in its government offices and the dismal failure
of its public sector enterprises. The grand success of Bharat Atomic Research Centre
and Indian Space Research Organization and the dismal failure of Hindustan Aeronautics
Limited would underscore the beneficial outcomes even in the public sector, when
driven by nationalist commitment.
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