In
his Autobiography
of a Yogi, Paramahansa Yogananda,
quoted Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi’s idea of nationalism in his own words thus:
”I call myself a nationalist but my nationalism is as wide as the
universe; it embraces all nations. My nationalism includes the prosperity of
all nations. I want a strong India able to transfuse its strength to other
nations …. Let us look for something new; let us try the power of love and God
which are the truth.”
Elsewhere, Gandhi had
proclaimed that ‘loyalty to the
country is always subordinate to loyalty to God’ and re-emphasized
that his nationalism was ‘not exclusive’ but
is of ‘intense
internationalism’.
His averment that ‘nationalism is as wide as
the universe’, indeed, is the upanishadic concept of vasudhaiva
kutumbakam but as it does not sync with the absolutist precepts of the
Semitic faiths, obviously it is of no avail to further the cause of Indian
nationalism. Be that as it may, it enabled Gandhi to ascend the throne on
international moral high ground that is while leaving the Indian nationalism
bereft of, so to say, any space.
While his proposition, ‘my nationalism includes the
prosperity of all nations’, ignored the wisdom of charity
beginning at home, his reliance on ‘the power of love and God which are the
truth’ failed to take into account the nature of the Abrahamaic
Godhead in that while Jehovah in His Ten Commandments had ordained his believers thus:
“1.
You may worship no other god than me.
2. You shall not make yourselves
any idols: no images of animals, birds, or fish.
You must never bow or
worship it in any way; for I, the Lord your God, am very
possessive. I
will not share your affection with any other God!”
And it is another matter that the
self-same God, in his Quranic avatar as Allah, had turned His new favourites
against not only his chosen people but also the followers of his own son, not
to speak of others, thus:
“The Jews and Christians say: We are sons of Allah and His
loved ones. Say: Why then doth he chastise you for your sins? Nay, ye are but
mortals of His creating. He forgiveth whom He will, and chastiseth whom He
will. Allah’s is the Sovereignty of the heavens and the earth and all that is
between them, and unto Him is the journeying.”
“All they who disbelieve and deny our revelations, such are
rightful owners of hell.”
That being the case, wonder on the ‘power of which love and
which God’ was Gandhi banking upon to help his nationalism that includes the prosperity of all nations. While one can attribute this loftiness of thought, not grounded in
the reality of the God, to Gandhi’s nobility of purpose, what one were to make
out of his advocacy that ‘loyalty to the
country is always subordinate to loyalty to God’!
It cannot
be the case that Gandhi was unaware of the fact that the Muslim loyalty to
Allah and the Christian affinity to Jesus, both alien to the ancient Indian
ethos, is not the same thing as the Hindu loyalty to the native Rama, Krishna
et al. Surely, Gandhi would have known too that the exclusivist Muslim umma and
Christian fraternity alike subscribe to ‘intense
internationalism’ of their creed through
religious conversions in India and elsewhere, but yet, he didn’t care, at any
rate seemingly so. And true to his conviction, he lent his nationalistic weight
to the Khilafat movement, aka
the Indian Muslim movement, post-World War I, to pressure Britain to preserve
the authority of the Ottoman Sultan as Caliph of Islam, by which he had
sowed the seeds, unwittingly though, of a separate homeland for the Muslims on
the Indian soil.
Nevertheless,
as he happened to be the philosopher-guide of Indian struggle for independence
from the British colonial rule, his confusing presumptions shaped the nebulous
nationalism that came to define independent India’s political axiom. While how
all this turned out to be an enduring hurt to Indian national integration needs
no retelling, we may examine how his wooly views came to prevail to India’s
hurt.
True,
India was first invaded by Muslims but yet resisted all through and then was
colonized by the British but subdued only after the fall of Rani of Jhansi in
1858. So to say, this defeat in its first war of independence was more moral
than mortal for India seemed to have lost its fighting spirit once and for all
thereafter. Gandhi, having been born eleven years after the morale-ruining
defeat, was but a product of that India’s hapless era, and understandably his call
for satyagraha jelled
with the nation’s psyche then. What is more, once he could galvanize the nation
behind him, as his words became Vedas, so much so that his idiocies became the
truths belying the nationalist concerns of Savarkar, Ambedkar and such. Amused
by his idea of non-violent struggle that is alien to the spirit of their
crusades, much of the West, going by the human nature, egged him to undertake
that which they themselves would not do at any rate.
But as Gandhi’s non-violent movement against British went
haywire in Noakhali on the Muslim aggressive front and as he remained clueless
to the Islamic ways, Muhammad Ali Jinnah was on course to gain a homeland for
Indian Muslims in Pakistan. It
was another matter that way back in 1937; Savarkar had stated that Congress is
betraying the nation by indulging in Muslim appeasement at the cost of Hindu
rights and it is better to stand in the last row of patriots than in the first
row of betrayers. However, Gandhi’s brainwash of India’s Hindu
majority towards his Muslim-leaning ways (he was even crazy enough to advise
Hindus to smilingly die if Muslims were to kill them) can be gauged from the
fact that they accepted the loss of their ancestral land to the later-day
converts without a demur and bore the brunt of the post-partition riots to a
fault.
Post-independence, sensing the minority Muslim votes as ready
pickings for his congress party at the polling booths, Nehru had contrived to
keep the Gandhian non-nationalist legacy alive as a ploy to keep the
nationalist forces at bay. That Godse, a Hindu nationalist, felled Gandhi only
came in handy for Nehru to malign nationalism per se to thwart the unification
of the caste-ridden Hindu polity that’s the avowed aim of Indian nationalism.
While Nehru and his progeny thrived politically to lord over India for better
part of its independent existence, the national emotional vacuum came to be
slowly but steadily came to be filled by communalism, regionalism, casteism,
nepotism, favouritism and above all corruption to India’s hurt. However, things
came to a nadir during the ten year proxy rule of the Italian born Sonia, when
graft became the byword of political power.
When India was thinking enough was enough, came an upright
Narendra Modi onto the national political stage to the cheers of the desperate
electorate. And as India’s premier he too lost no time to ascend the ramparts
of the Red Fort, wearing a Maharaja turban, signaling the return of the native.
What with his invocation of the nation’s ancient culture at every turn and
showcasing its civilizational glitter on the world stage, India began to
experience a sense of itself for the first time in its living memory. Also, his
robust military response to Pakistan’s nefarious terror design in the form of a
surgical strike on the ground and an air attack on Balakot had bestowed upon
the nation a martial sense of achievement.
Thus, besides cleaning the corrupt public stables, as he gave
it nationalism to boot, India, all again, rooted for him to march ahead on the
nationalistic path. And promptly he did abrogate the vexatious Art 370 ‘n 35A
of the Indian constitution to politically integrate the intransigent State of
Jammu & Kashmir and that gave a fillip to the Indian nationalist sentiment
as never before. Finally, as of now, he owned up Veer Savarkar and proclaimed
that he was the fountainhead of Indian nationalism thereby fast tracking Indian
nationalism. Surely, in India’s post-independence history, Narendra Damodardas
Modi’s name would be etched in golden letters as the spearhead of Indian
nationalism, and certainly he would have earned that for himself.
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